It takes precious little experience, insight or intellect to recognize that the American political system is somewhere between dysfunctional and broken. Capitol hill is awash in cash and cowardice. Steely partisanship stands athwart principle to such an extent that the nation's most pressing and systemic problems -- jobs, the economy, education and gross inequality to name but four -- are all being held hostage. Tens of dozens of crucial positions in both the executive and judicial branches of government remain vacant because one party thinks it more important to deny the president of the opposing party a "victory" than to do what is right. Where once the filibuster was a rare and theatrically exhausting exercise in political brinksmanship, today, it is as commonplace as sushi in San Francisco. Once upon a time, when a senator or representative cosponsored a piece of legislation they could be counted on to support and vote for that legislation. Believe it or not, this is no longer a given. Today, cosponsors frequently conspire to kill their own creations. Why? For fear that said bill's passage might gain the president some political credit.
Nowadays, just about the only solution one party offers -- after blaming every ill from aging to zero population growth on the other party -- is to vote the culprits and miscreants out of the White House and off of Capitol Hill. As a result of such political puerility nothing gets done; Congress's popularity is lower than the Dead Sea; an entire nation suffers.
Without question, the utter dysfunctionality of the American political system did not begin with the election of Barack Obama -- or George W. Bush, or Bill Clinton for that matter. It has been building for more than a generation. In an important new work, It's Even Worse Than It Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of Extremism veteran congressional scholars Norman Ornstein and Thomas Mann point back to 1978, the year Republican Newt Gingrich was first elected to Congress. At the time of his election, Democrats had controlled the House of Representatives for 44 of the past 48 years -- and would continue to do so for the next 16. Gingrich's strategy to overcome his party's historic minority status, as noted by Ornstein and Mann was, for the time, utterly unique: ". . . so intensify public hatred of Congress that voters would buy into the notion of the need for sweeping change and throw the majority bums out. His method? To unite his Republicans in refusing to cooperate with Democrats in committee and on the floor, while publicly attacking them as a permanent majority presiding over and benefiting from a thoroughly corrupt institution."
Gingrich's strategy eventually paid off; by 1994, he was Speaker of the House. With the election of 2010, his method had become akin to divine law: Where once "compromise" and "bipartisanship" for the sake of the greater good were a politician's or legislator's stock-in-trade, today those concepts languish on the political "disabled list." Taking their place in the starting lineup are such tactics as "opposing," "obstructing" "discrediting" and "nullifying."
To be certain, both Republicans and Democrats stridently accuse each another of being the real obstructionists and discrediting nullifiers. "It's because of those socialistic ultra-left, deficit-loving Democrats that we're in such abysmal fiscal shape," Republicans cry. "Our economic crisis is the fault all of those plutocratic, intransigent right-wing, tax-avoiding Republicans," their Democratic counterparts respond. And how does the American public respond? By saying "A pox on both your houses." This attitude is born out by the lastest Politico/GWU/Battleground Poll; Congress's approval rating is a mere 13%.
Should it be any surprise then that fewer and fewer people of quality are running for office? I mean, what truly sane man or woman would devote a year -- or two or four or more -- to raising vast sums of money in order to run for a position that will require them to spend the lion's share of their time raising even more money for the right to keep the other side from getting anything done and making them look bad in the process?
Scholars Ornstein and Mann, neither of whom is particularly partisan, conclude that far more of the dysfunction can be laid at the feet of one party than the other:
". . . However awkward it may be for the traditional press and nonpartisan analysts to acknowledge, one of the two major parties, the Republican Party, has become an insurgent outlier -- ideologically extreme; contemptuous of the inherited social and economic policy regime; scornful of compromise; unpersuaded by conventional understanding of facts, evidence, and science; and dismissive of the legitimacy of its political opposition."
Over the past several years, Republicans have become so obsessed with not offending or going against the will of those on their far-right that they have been transformed from that flank's leader to its creature. So much so that were he alive in 2012, Ronald Reagan would never be able to capture his party's nomination; he would undoubtedly be called a RINO -- a "Republican in Name Only." It is unsettling to the max when one realises that today, the most moderate Republican in either house of Congress (likely Maine's outgoing Senator Olympia Snowe) is still to the right of that institution's most conservative Democrat (likely Pennsylvania Representative Jason Altmire).
Despite the extraordinary ideological chasm between the two parties, Americans themselves have never been all that extreme; we have a long and -- for the most part -- successful history of sticking to what one wag called "the sensible center." So where are all the centrists in 2012? Have they moved to the fringes; have they all morphed into left-winged socialists and right-wing flat-taxers? According to Ornstein and Mann, the answer is no; those occupying the sensible center are have become so cynical and turned off to what now passes for politics as usual, that they simply stay the hell away from the polls on election day. When a large majority of the American people favor higher taxes for the extremely wealthy and Republicans say "absolutely, categorically no"; when poll after poll shows that most Americans place job creation ahead of deficit reduction yet Republicans say "If you don't cut spending we'll destroy America's credit rating"; when so many Americans are struggling to make ends meet then hear that the Republicans' plan for creating prosperity begins with catering to the wealthy and ends with cutting entitlements for the poor -- is it any wonder that so many opt out of participating?
So how do we deal with the dysfunction we call a political system? In truth, I do not know. I wish I had a simple, sure-fire answer to what ails us. What I do know is that throughout our history as a nation, no problem was ever solved, no issue ever addressed, no wrong ever righted without the people standing firm. It is our function to stand up against dysfunction.
The critic/essayist George Jean Nathan once wrote that "Bad officials are elected by good citizens who do not vote."
How true it is . . . how true it is.
©2012 Kurt F. Stone


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